Category Archives: International Security

The Reaction to the Russian Federation’s Invasion of Ukraine and the Debate on the Provision of Weapons to the State Victim of Aggression

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At the beginning of 2022, when the invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation started, several factors would have led one to question Italy’s ability to condemn the unlawful use of force. Italy was heavily dependent on gas supplies from Russia by virtue of a decades-long policy of cooperation in the energy sector (a situation that changed radically in the space of a year).[1] Some parties with governmental responsibilities in both the executive led by Mario Draghi and the subsequent one led by Giorgia Meloni,[2] had also shown over time that they had a network of relations with the Russian leadership.[3] Furthermore, the presence of a strong pacifist movement within public opinion had led some analysts to doubt whether the country would adopt a firm political stance towards the Russian Federation involving the supply of weapons or some form of participation in the conflict.[4]

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On Some International Agreements Concerning Nuclear Weapons in Light of the New Challenges Posed by the Russian Invasion of Ukraine

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The year 2022 was undoubtedly marked by a strong prominence of the debate related to nuclear weapons, driven by a series of institutional events such as the Tenth Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the plenary United Nations (UN) meeting against nuclear testing and the first World Conference of States Parties to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW).

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Recognition, Fact-Finding Missions and Humanitarian Aid in Afghanistan

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Recognition of the Taliban Government of Afghanistan did not feature prominently in the Italian parliamentary debates of 2022, unlike the previous year.[1] In fact, despite an explicit request for recognition by the Taliban,[2] the alarming news on egregious violations of human rights, especially women’s rights, in Afghanistan further reduced the Taliban’s already slim chance to see their own Government recognised.

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The Non-Recognition of the Separatist Republics of Luhansk and Donetsk and of Their Subsequent Accession to Russia with Kherson and Zaporizhzhia

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On 21 February 2022, at the end of a TV speech to the nation, the President of the Russian Federation, Mr. Vladimir Putin, signed the act of recognition of the separatist republics of Luhansk and Donetsk. On 23 February, before the Chamber of Deputies (644th Meeting, XVIII Legislature), the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Mr. Luigi Di Maio, made an urgent Government briefing on this issue.

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The Russian Aggression Against Ukraine: Issues of Recognition, Sanctions and the Supply of Weapons

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During 2022, in the context of the conflict in Ukraine, three main topics of discussion emerged in the Italian parliamentary practice: the recognition of the self-proclaimed “republics” of the Donbass, the issue of sanctions against the Russian Federation, and, finally, the question of the legality and political expediency of supplying arms to Ukraine. All these topics are explored in the ensuing analysis, highlighting the position taken by the Italian Government on each of them. 

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The Non-Recognition of the Taliban Government of Afghanistan

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Following the so-called Doha Agreement,[1] in April 2021 the final phase of the withdrawal of the United States (US) Army and all North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces on Afghan territory began. In May 2021, the Taliban launched their offensive, conquering in a rapid succession most capitals of the country’s provinces. The peak of the Taliban military attack occurred on 15 August 2021, the day of the conquest of Kabul. The subsequent escape of the President of Afghanistan, Mr. Ashraf Ghani, to the United Arab Emirates marked the capitulation of the Armed Forces of Afghanistan, the end of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, which had been established in 2004, and the restoration of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan by the Taliban.

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The Legality of the Libyan Fisheries Protection Zone and the Coastal State’s Enforcement Powers: A Change of Policy

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Somewhat unsurprisingly, the so-called “red prawn war”, the dispute that has pitted the Mazara del Vallo fishing industry and the Libyan authorities against each other for dozens of years, has generated intense parliamentary activity in 2021 as well.

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The Libyan Fisheries Protection Zone and the Powers of Enforcement of a Local De Facto Government During the Libyan Civil War

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On 1 September 2020, two Italian fishing vessels from Mazara del Vallo, Sicily, were seized by Libyan forces operating under the authority of the Benghazi unrecognized government. The seizure took place approximately 38 miles off the coast of Cyrenaica. The fishermen of the two boats – eight Italians, six Tunisians, two Indonesians, and two Senegalese – were accused of fishing in Libyan waters and were transferred to Libyan soil where they began a period of detention that would last 108 days.[1] The fishing vessels were also seized by the Libyan militia.

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Migration Policy and Management under the “Conte 1” Government

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The fight against “irregular” migration to Italy featured prominently in the election manifesto of the Lega (League – a right-wing political party) and was incorporated in the coalition agreement concluded between the two governing parties after the 4 March 2018 general election, namely the League and the Movimento 5 Stelle (Five Star Movement). Accordingly, on 5 June 2018, the President of the Council of Ministers, Mr Giuseppe Conte, outlined the approach on migration of the newly formed Italian Government during his first speech before the Senate of the Republic (9th Meeting, XVIII Legislature):

It is clear to everyone that the management of migratory flows as implemented to date has failed. Europe allowed – we must emphasize it – selfish positions by Member States, which ended up placing the burden, which should have been shared, on border States, first and foremost on Italy. That is why we will vigorously demand to go beyond the Dublin Regulation, so as to ensure actual compliance with the principle of equitable responsibility-sharing and implement automatic mechanisms for the mandatory relocation of asylum seekers. […]

We want asylum procedures to be well-established and swift, also with a view to more effectively ensuring that the rights [of asylum seekers] are guaranteed and that they do not live in uncertainty. […]

We must also re-organize the reception system and make it efficient with a view to ensuring the transparent use of public funds and preventing any infiltration by organized crime. Should there be no grounds for the stay [of migrants in Italy], we will take action to make repatriation procedures effective and, at the European level, to compel third States willing to conclude cooperation agreements with any EU Member States to ratify bilateral agreements for the management of migratory flows.

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The Scope and Means of Action of the United Nations Security Council as Seen by Italy during its “Shared Membership”

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Italy has a long tradition of taking public stances on issues concerning the United Nations (UN) in general, and the Security Council (SC) in particular. The most important of such issues is perhaps the reform of the SC, a hotly debated question on which Italy has been taking a leading position for many years, promoting a series of proposals around which a group known as “Uniting for Consensus” has gathered.[1] This very same theme has been discussed by Italian representatives at the UN also in 2017 and 2018, when they reiterated and further clarified their country’s view.[2] Those years also correspond to the biennium that saw Italy and the Netherlands share a split non-permanent seat at the SC (the former being a member in 2017). Therefore, Italy has recently had many occasions to express its ideas on the action of the SC.

It is well known that the role of the SC has been progressively expanding since the end of the Cold War, so that nowadays its activities have a far wider scope than that envisioned in 1945 by the drafters of the UN Charter. Such legal developments can be said to be, by now, largely accepted by the international community, and even those States that occasionally veto or anyhow oppose certain SC resolutions, sometimes do that inconsistently and by putting forth political rather than legal justifications.[3] This notwithstanding, the issue of how far-reaching the powers of the SC are remains the subject of scholarly debate and is still of some practical importance for States. From this perspective, it may be useful to review Italy’s stances on the action of the SC.

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