In 2023, the Italian Government adopted several decrees-law with the aims of stemming migration flows, restricting the grounds for legal stay in Italy, and increasing expulsions from the territory. Italy also further pursued an externalization of migration management, by concluding a much-discussed bilateral agreement with Albania[1] and by playing a prominent role in the conclusion of “strategic partnerships” between the European Union (EU) and Mediterranean countries, namely Tunisia (in July 2023) and Egypt (in March 2024).[2] Additionally, the Italian Government was active in shaping the EU New Pact on Migration and Asylum, whose adoption it hailed as a success, especially insofar as the “defence” of the external borders of the EU is concerned.[3]
Continue readingMonthly Archives: November 2023
Italy and the United Nations Security Council: Strengthening the Securitization Trend
Italy has traditionally been very vocal about matters regarding the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), with a recent peak between 2017 and 2018, when Italy shared a seat with the Netherlands as a non-permanent member of the Council.[1] This special interest has first and foremost concerned the reform of the UNSC membership and working methods. In this respect, in 2023, the Italian Government reiterated its well-established positions on the need for a more “representative, democratic, transparent, accountable and effective” UNSC[2] and against the use of the veto.[3]
Continue readingThe Veto Power at the Security Council: Emerging Trends and Continuity with the Past
In 2023, Italy repeatedly expressed its position on the veto power of the five permanent members (P5) of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). This position is reflected in the statements concerning the work of the UNSC[1] and in those outlining the reform proposal of the Uniting for Consensus (UfC) group. The views expressed by Italian representatives developed along two lines: a harsh criticism of the veto power because of its contradiction with the principle of sovereign equality, and the need to monitor – but in the short term maintain – the use of this voting mechanism in the light of the necessities of multilateralism.
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